From The Cleveland Plain Dealer

Northeast Ohio will get millions to help foreclosed
properties
Thursday, January 15, 2009
Stephen Koff - Plain
Dealer Bureau Chief
To read this story online, go to:
http://www.cleveland.com/plaindealer/stories/index.ssf?/base/news/1232011995322260.xml&coll=2
Washington- The federal government is sending
millions of dollars to help Ohio communities fix up,
buy or sell homes and apartments in foreclosure,
because of a program Congress passed in 2008.
Euclid will get $2.58 million. Lake County will get
$3.4 million. Dozens of other communities will get
more later as the government processes the grants.
The money for the national Neighborhood
Stabilization Program comes from the U.S. Department
of Housing and Urban Development's Community
Development Block Grant program. Congress included
the stabilization program in a bill last year to
help state and local governments deal with
foreclosures.
"These vital funds
will enable communities throughout Ohio to make
necessary renovations to reverse the trends of the
housing market," U.S. Sen. George Voinovich said in
announcing the grants Wednesday. "In the midst of a
financial crisis which originally stemmed from a
crashing housing market, I can't think of a better
place to invest funds than to help redevelop
foreclosed property in Ohio."
More than $258 million will be awarded to 23 Ohio
communities under the program, Voinovich's office
said, including $16.1 million for Cleveland and a
separate $11.2 million for Cuyahoga County.
The money is for buying and redeveloping foreclosed
properties that threaten to become blights on a
community. Communities can use the money for
demolition and rehabilitation, financial assistance
for low- to moderate-income buyers, and creation of
"land banks" for development later.
Voinovich also announced $22.46 million from HUD to
help Ohio seniors and people with disabilities get
housing. Of that, Cleveland Heights will get $4.76
million to buy and rehabilitate 36 one-bedroom units
for very low-income elderly persons.
South Euclid will get $456,900 for a proposed group
home in a single-story, ranch-style building.
Residents will be chronically mentally ill
individuals, with public and private agencies
providing a range of services.
The rest of the $22 million will go to communities
in other regions in Ohio.
To reach this Plain Dealer reporter:
skoff@plaind.com, 216-999-4212
©2009 Plain Dealer
© 2009 cleveland.com All Rights Reserved.
How to Reverse the
Trend of Concentrated Poverty
Sunday, December 28, 2008 ~ Cleveland Plain Dealer
by Alan Berube
Find this
story online at:
http://www.cleveland.com/plaindealer/stories/index.ssf?/base/opinion/1230370272297280.xml&coll=2
One of Cleveland's
neighborhoods made the Wash ington scene earlier
this month.
Alas, it wasn't up for a multibillion-dollar
bailout.
Instead, the Central neighborhood and 15 other
communities across the United States were the
centerpiece of a new report published by the Federal
Reserve System and the Brookings Institution.
These communities share a simple, disappointing
characteristic. In 2000 - the peak of the last
economic boom - at least 40 percent of their
residents lived below the federal poverty line. That
was about three times the national average.
No American needs to
look very far to find places like these.
Concentrated poverty affects manufacturing cities
like Cleveland, and Albany, Ga.; immigrant gateways
like Miami, Fla., and Fresno, Calif.; and rural
areas like eastern Kentucky and northern Montana.
About 4 million poor Americans live in these areas
of extremely high poverty.
How did this happen? Policy decisions made decades
ago - like clustering thousands of the Cleveland
region's public housing units in the Central
neighborhood - helped shape their trajectory. So too
did economic changes, like the long-run loss of
decent-paying manufacturing jobs, or - in rural
areas - mining and agricultural jobs.
By allowing poverty to concentrate in these places,
we've magnified the problems their poor residents
face. For instance, many low-income children in
these communities start school not yet "ready to
learn." On top of that, though, they attend schools
burdened with lots of other poor kids who face
similar challenges, and deal with higher levels of
neighborhood crime that affect their mental health
and educational performance.
The challenges of
concentrated poverty extend to many other areas: low
adult work-force skills and employment, poor-quality
housing and a lack of investment by mainstream
businesses.
And that's in a good economy. Today, Central - and
thousands of other high-poverty communities like it
across the nation - faces even more significant
challenges as the United States enters what may be
its worst recession in decades.
So what should Washington do for these places and
their residents in the face of such difficult
circumstances?
First, we must not lose sight of them in the
economic turmoil. That's especially true because the
roots of this crisis, in the subprime mortgage
market, grew in many very poor neighborhoods like
Central. As a result, home foreclosure rates in
high-poverty communities are more than double the
national average.
To stabilize these hard-hit communities, Washington
must adopt new measures to prevent foreclosure and
provide additional resources and guidance for state
and local governments to help them cope with the
rising numbers of vacant properties.
Second, a forthcoming economic stimulus package from
Washington that could amount to half a trillion
dollars or more should not bypass these
neighborhoods and their residents.
That implies the need for immediate federal aid to
sustain basic public services in states like Ohio,
where the deficit for this year already tops $1
billion. It also suggests providing direct
assistance to struggling workers and their families,
through enhanced unemployment benefits and tax
credits.
At the same time, the infrastructure dollars in the
package - which could amount to more than $100
billion - must be spent strategically. States should
not be permitted to go on expanding highway capacity
at the metropolitan fringe, to the detriment of poor
communities near the urban core. Cities like
Cleveland, and metropolitan organizations like the
Northeast Ohio Areawide Coordinating Agency, should
get their fair share of new transportation funds.
And funds should be set aside for training programs
that provide low-income residents with a pathway to
decent jobs.
Third, we have to rethink neighborhood policy over
the longer term.
For too long, government has funded housing, schools
and economic development in these communities as
though they were islands unto themselves.
That's not how the real economy works. These
neighborhoods are part of larger regional labor and
housing markets. Decisions made across the Cleveland
region, such as where firms locate new jobs, or
where families buy homes and send their kids to
school, ultimately dictate whether neighborhoods
like Central can become real neighborhoods of choice
and better connected to economic opportunity.
Public policy must leverage that real economy for
the benefit of lower-income residents, by building
on smart regional strategies like the Fund for Our
Economic Future and WIRE-Net in Northeast Ohio. It
should diversify housing in poor communities, but
also encourage affordable housing development in
wealthier parts of metropolitan areas.
Cleveland's Central neighborhood, like other
high-poverty communities across the United States,
faces a tough road ahead. Short-term opportunities,
and long-term strategies, are needed to help its
next generation of residents overcome the challenges
of concentrated poverty.
Berube is research director at the Brookings
Institution's Metropolitan Policy Program.
©2008 Plain Dealer
© 2008 cleveland.com All Rights Reserved.
Faith coalition
pushes U.S. on foreclosure crisis
Saturday,
November 29, 2008
Jacqueline L. Salmon
Washington Post
To read this article online, go to: http://www.cleveland.com/plaindealer/stories/index.ssf?/base/other/1227951167212840.xml&coll=2
Washington - A national coalition of faith-based
organizations has launched an effort to push the
federal government for a more streamlined approach
to handling troubled mortgages, with the aim of
keeping more owners in their homes.
"Families are losing their homes and they're on the
street, and that's just morally wrong," said Mary
Rabon, a member of the Kansas affiliate of PICO
National Network, an alliance of 1,000 U.S.
congregations, based in Oakland, Calif.
More than 200 members of PICO, which stands for
People Improving Communities Through Organizing,
were in Washington last week to meet with federal
officials and stage a "prayer rally" outside the
Treasury Building.
"This building behind us has the power to prevent
another 2 million foreclosures," shouted the Rev.
Lucy Kolin, a Lutheran pastor from Oakland.
"Wake up. Wake up," chanted the demonstrators. They
say they want Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson
Jr. to "wake up" to the reality of the foreclosure
crisis and use the powers granted to him in the
bailout legislation to stop "preventable"
foreclosures.
Paulson opposes funding a plan championed by Federal
Deposit Insurance Corp. Chairman Sheila Bair that
offers loan modifications on standardized terms to
as many borrowers as possible from the government's
$700 billion financial rescue fund.
But PICO members say the painfully slow,
case-by-case loan workouts of those already in
foreclosure, which is normal practice in the
mortgage industry, are too little, too late. As
congregation leaders watched foreclosures sweep
through their communities, "it became clear to us
that voluntary, case-by-case [loan workouts] wasn't
going to cut it," said Gordon Whitman, PICO's
director of policy.
Under the plan supported by
PICO, every bank that accepts taxpayer bailout money
would be required to accept the same set of
loan-modification procedures, setting payments to no
more than 34 percent of borrowers' incomes and, in
some cases, reducing principles to reflect falling
property values. Funding for the program would come
from the $700 billion bailout fund.
Many congregations are finding themselves on the
front lines of the foreclosure crisis.
Even members of the clergy are not immune.
The Rev. Marvin Webb of Richmond, Calif., a Baptist
pastor who came to Washington with the PICO
alliance, has seen his adjustable-rate mortgage
soar. He is struggling to make his $2,700-a-month
payment, which is more than half his income.
"We want to keep our homes. We want to help our
communities," Webb said.
In the Washington area, houses of worship are
offering foreclosure workshops, emptying their food
pantries to help those facing financial difficulties
and scrambling to help those who have lost their
homes find new housing.
"Churches are where people go," said Donna Hurley,
executive director of Housing Options & Planning
Enterprises, a Prince George's County, Md. nonprofit
that counsels people facing foreclosure. Her group
has held foreclosure workshops at area Catholic
churches. "When things aren't going right, they go
to the house of God to get answers," she said.
©2008 Plain Dealer
© 2008 cleveland.com All Rights Reserved.
Neighborhoods Are Key To Future, Leaders Told
Carol Coletta, president and chief
executive officer of CEOs for Cities, addresses
annual meeting of University Circle Inc.
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
Michelle Jarboe, Plain Dealer Reporter
Find the original webpage of this story at: http://www.cleveland.com/plaindealer/stories/index.ssf?/base/business-8/1227087104257940.xml&coll=2
Leaders of urban neighborhoods including
University Circle hope that President-elect Barack
Obama's roots in Chicago will give cities a boost
during the next administration.
"Cities like Cleveland are not the problem. They are
the solution," Carol Coletta, president and chief
executive officer of CEOs for Cities, told a crowd
at Severance Hall on Tuesday.
Coletta spoke during the annual meeting for
University Circle Inc., a nonprofit group focused on
developing, caring for and promoting the district.
She and UCI President Chris Ronayne recently
participated in a Chicago gathering of urban leaders
focused on rebuilding American cities with help from
the federal government.
"I think what we need to do with this economic
moment is say, How do we recapture the value of the
investments we've already made?' " Coletta said in
an interview. "We're all equally challenged, but
that doesn't change the momentum for cities."
Ronayne said the group planned its meeting months
ago, in hopes of pushing for a "cogent urban policy"
from whoever won the election. One area of emphasis
was remaking buildings, bridges, roads -- rather
than developing new ones. Another, Ronayne said, was
an effort to reduce poverty, increase the
college-education level and cut reliance on driving
in major cities across the country.
"Some of the things we focused on are most certainly
the talent dividend. Can we in Cleveland and
University Circle increase educational attainment by
1 percent?" Roynane said. "Another is overall city
vitality as measured by innovation. What if we
focused not so much on the number of Fortune 500s
but on the number of patents coming out of the city
of Cleveland?"
The CEOs for Cities group asserts that the nation's
51 largest cities could create more than $166
billion in new wealth by increasing college
education levels by 1 percent, cutting residents'
car travel by 1 mile per day and reducing the
impoverished population by 1 percent. Of that yield,
more than $2.1 billion could go to Cleveland,
Ronayne said.
Coletta lauded efforts by Cleveland and University
Circle to build on educational and cultural
institutions, develop health care and other global
businesses and create jobs in alternative energy and
other "green" fields.
"You're actually doing, I think, more good thinking
about this than most cities I visit," she said.
To reach this Plain Dealer reporter:
mjarboe@plaind.com, 216-999-4830
©2008 Plain Dealer
© 2008 cleveland.com All Rights Reserved.
Mayors Of Ailing Big Cities See
Obama As A "Partner", Optimistic About Potential
Help
Posted by Henry J. Gomez/Plain Dealer
Reporter November 07, 2008 23:44PM
To read this story in its original website, go to:
http://blog.cleveland.com/metro/2008/11/mayors_of_ailing_big_cities_se.html
On his historic path to the White House, Barack
Obama pledged billions of federal dollars to
decaying urban cores.
Washington, he said, had for too long turned its
back on places like Cleveland, Detroit and
Youngstown -- the crippled backbones of
once-flourishing metropolitan areas.
Now, armed with an electoral landslide and
congressional majority of fellow Democrats,
President-elect Obama faces tremendous expectations
from big-city mayors and community activists. Not
since 1964, when Lyndon Johnson set the framework
for his Great Society programs, has a dramatic shift
in the nation's domestic policy been so hungrily
anticipated.
In Obama, local-government leaders across the state
see a man with roots as a community organizer, a man
making the leap from a storied urban pocket in
Chicago to 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. For the first time
in years, they see an advocate for repairing
American cities.
"What I know now is that we have a partner in the
White House that we didn't have before," said
Columbus Mayor Michael Coleman, a Democrat. "That is
the key thing.
"We know that when we call, he will listen."
As a candidate, Obama touted cities as "the building
blocks of strong regions."
In June, at the U.S. Conference of Mayors in Miami,
the Illinois senator promised to spend billions of
dollars to fix crumbling infrastructure, invest more
in public transportation, restore community
development funding and address other problems that
plague metropolitan areas.
On his campaign Web site, Obama listed dozens of
urban priorities, including the creation of a White
House Office on Urban Policy. The office would
"ensure that all federal dollars targeted to urban
areas are effectively spent on the highest-impact
programs."
In addition, Obama wants to restore funding to the
Community Development Block Grants program, an
initiative that dates to the Nixon administration
and benefits neighborhoods. Akron, Cleveland and
Youngstown each have seen this aid decrease in
recent years, officials said.
Cleveland's share dropped by more than $1 million,
to $31.6 million, in the last year. The money helps
fund housing code enforcement, the cleanup of vacant
lots and other public improvements. With less coming
in, prioritizing has been a challenge for Mayor
Frank Jackson.
Obama "will really help us a great deal," said
Jackson, also a Democrat. "We're looking forward to
when he's able to straighten out the mess that was
left for him."
Jackson has outlined his own urban agenda -- one
that calls for the federal government to send $6
billion in aid to Cuyahoga County, mostly to the
city. On his wish list is money to combat the
foreclosure crisis, improve education, enhance
public safety, fix roads and expand public
transportation. He endorsed Obama early, convinced
he was the best choice for Cleveland.
Akron Mayor Don Plusquellic is optimistic, too.
On a recent visit to the region, Obama met with
Plusquellic and "acknowledged to him the work that
Washington needs to do to resume support of American
cities that has been lost over the last eight
years," said Mark Williamson, a spokesman for the
Democratic mayor.
But with two wars overseas and a domestic economic
crisis that reaches far beyond core cities in the
Midwest rust belt, are such towering hopes for an
urban rescue plan realistic?
"I think it's very important that we all have
pragmatic expectations," said Youngstown Mayor Jay
Williams, a Democrat who was elected three years ago
as an independent. "We can't wait, hat in hand,
thinking the solutions are going to come solely from
Washington, D.C."
Even so, Williams and others believe Obama's
background makes him uniquely qualified to
understand the plight of urban cores and work in
partnership with local government.
"Ironically, during the campaign, he was somewhat
belittled for being a community organizer on the
South Side of Chicago," Williams said. "But his
experiences will not be forgotten as he deals with
the urban areas of Youngstown and Cleveland and
Detroit."
Chris Ronayne, president of the nonprofit University
Circle Inc. advocacy organization, who served as a
planning director and chief of staff to Cleveland
Mayor Jane Campbell, agrees.
"Obama has a lot of weight on his shoulders,"
Ronayne said. "But he's walked the walk as a
community organizer and understands more than anyone
what neighborhoods need."
Northeast Ohio activists to attend national summit on resurgence of gang violence
Activists meet up again 15 years later
Sunday, August 31, 2008
Stan Donaldson
Plain Dealer Reporter
Cleveland had 174 homicides in 1993, a total that hasn't been surpassed since.
The killings were part of a wave of guns, gangs and drugs that swept American cities. It slowed, in part, after a national summit in Kansas City, Mo., with a large contingent from Cleveland. Gang leaders agreed to a national truce that local leaders said stopped drive-by shootings in Northeast Ohio for nearly a decade.
In three weeks, there will be another summit in Kansas City. Community activists and some former gang members from Northeast Ohio plan to attend the four-day meeting to discuss ways to stem violence and bring jobs to cities.
The
conference comes as police and
city officials say gang activity
has increased. Police believe
about 100 gangs are operating in
the city. Last year, homicides
in Cleveland reached the highest
level since 1994.
While the gangs have played a
part in the surge in violence
over the past few years, they
are different now compared with
the early 1990s, both in
structure and size.
Large national gangs with
organized hierarchies have been
replaced by loosely affiliated
neighborhood crews, many of them
in their teens.
They are more dangerous now
because elders in the
neighborhood have little
influence over them, said Khalid
Samad, director of Peace in the
Hood.
"What we are seeing is that this
generation now, the ones in
their teens and 20s, they were
too young to see the benefit of
the peace," Samad said.
He was a part of the first
summit and will lead a
contingent of community
activists and former gang
members to the conference, which
takes place Sept. 11-14. While
this meeting is not designed to
develop any wide-ranging truces,
Samad hopes the group will come
up with solutions to reach
younger gang members.
"Now is the time to get them
because there's no future in
what they are involved in . . .
they are under some sort of
illusion," Samad said.
Federal and
local law enforcement started a
gang crackdown two years ago.
Since then they have prosecuted
six street gangs who they said
used violence to control drug
sales in their neighborhoods.
But the prosecutions have drawn
criticism from some, who said
the groups targeted aren't gangs
but simply groups of kids who
grew up and hang out together.
Crack-cocaine business fueled
turf wars
In the early 1990s, large
national crime gangs battled
over drug turf as the use of
crack cocaine peaked. Bloods,
Crips, Gangster Disciples and
Latin Kings spread from bigger
cities to smaller Midwestern and
southern towns like Cleveland,
Little Rock, Ark., and Kansas
City.
Harlell Jones, a community
activist, remembers the time in
Cleveland.
"There was a lot of drug
selling. It tore the community
down," said Jones, who lost his
son, Osceola, in a 1993
shooting.
At the time, police and city
leaders struggled to find
solutions. Several grass-roots
leaders from across the nation -
and in Northeast Ohio - began to
hold informal meetings on their
own, searching for solutions to
address the violence.
The local peace activists
included Jones, Samad, James Box
and the late Omar Ali-Bey. The
groups, later named the National
Council for Peace, Justice and
Empowerment, held the first
national gang summit in Kansas
City, where members hashed out
their differences through
dialogue and mediation instead
of bloodshed.
The historic moment brought gang
sets together. They signed peace
treaties and resolutions to stop
the killing.
The
council, both today and in 1993,
includes dozens of groups from
across the country that work
with violence prevention, Samad
said. The collective is made up
of Christian leaders, former
Black Panthers and Nation of
Islam members.
"We brought these former gang
leaders together and took them
through a rites of passage
program," Samad said. "Once we
got them on board, we didn't
have a drive-by in Cleveland for
seven or eight years."
After the initial Kansas City
rally, the groups held similar
regional conferences in places
like Cleveland; Trenton, N.J.;
Minneapolis; San Antonio, Texas;
and Chicago. Prominent
politicians, rap artists and
community leaders such as the
Rev. Jesse Jackson, former NACCP
leader Ben Chavis and Nation of
Islam leader Minister Louis
Farrakhan attended.
Federal money sought for
training, programs
Leaders say that for a short
time, the first conference
reduced violent crime in major
cities by as much as 25 percent.
But participants in the 1993
conference lamented that federal
money for job training and other
programs to help gang members
transition away from the street
never materialized. They hope
whoever is elected president in
November will reconsider.
Rashad Byrdsong, who directs the
Community Empowerment
Association in Pittsburgh, said
the original summit led him to
start his nonprofit group.
"It was important for us to
sustain a national bonding and
it never happened," Byrdsong
said. "A lot of the federal
dollars earmarked for oppressed
areas were rerouted."
The conference next month will
address cultural, economic and
social issues. The hope is for
leaders to come together to
develop a national urban policy
touching on violence, crime and
gangs, he said.
"We need to bring activism out
of the mothballs and get busy
again," Byrdsong said. "This is
a call for action, particularly
of men in the black and brown
community. We have to come out
of the church, come out of the
mosque and start to get
involved."
To reach this Plain Dealer
reporter:
sdonalds@plaind.com,
216-999-4885
Cleveland's best,
as seen through the eyes of the rest of America
by Laura DeMarco/Plain Dealer Friday magazine editor
Thursday July 31, 2008, 10:08 AM
To read this story online, go to:
http://www.cleveland.com/goingout/index.ssf/2008/07/clevelands_best_as_seen_throug.html
We Clevelanders have low self-esteem. Every
Cleveland joke or negative comment we hear about our
city sets us off. We rage. We rant.
But we also have a hard time taking a compliment. We
barely pay attention to the good things people
across the country say about our fair city.
So Friday magazine has compiled some of the best
things written about Cleveland's people and places
in the last two years. Read on for a look at what
the rest of the world sees when they look at us.
Then stand proud. You are a Clevelander!
Travel & Leisure, July 2008: From the "50 Reasons to
Love the U.S.A. Now" article: "Because in Cleveland,
Old World meets new kid on the block. Combine
alternative gallery owners, steelworkers, celebrity
chefs, and transplants from the Old Country, and you
get an idea of Cleveland's Tremont district."
Sokolowski's University Inn, Lolita, and Prosperity
Social Club are suggested destinations.
Food & Wine, July 2008: Dante restaurant in Valley
View has one of the "Best new wine lists, 2008":
"The restaurant's formerly California Cabernet- and
Bordeaux-stocked cellar now holds a worldwide
selection that mirrors the global flavors in
chef-owner Dante Boccuzzi's cuisine."
Dante, 8001 Rockside Road, Valley View, 216-524-9404
National attention is nothing new to Dante Boccuzzi,
the chef-owner of his acclaimed namesake restaurant.
Dante was toasted in the Zagat newsletter before it
even opened.
But Boccuzzi appreciates each new mention.
"It's a huge honor," the Parma (Ohio) native says of
his recent nod in Food & Wine. "It generates buzz
and people are curious to see what they're missing."
Boccuzzi is rightfully proud of his wine list,
compiled by sommelier David Eselgroth, especially
the 90 wines by the glass.
"It's very popular in this type of economy. They're
all reasonably priced [starting at $7] and are great
wines. Wine by the glass gives you the opportunity
to try different things. The menu goes all over the
map" he says of his French-Asian-Italian informed
cuisine, "and our wine will also take you around the
world."
Dante is open from 11:30 a.m.-10:30 p.m.
Monday-Thursday and 11:30 a.m.-11 p.m. Friday and
Saturday. Food, and, of course, wine, is served in
the large bar in addition to the dining room.
Conde Nast Traveler, May 2008: Ohio City's Velvet
Tango Room is one of 28 nightclubs on the
"international hot list": "Set in an undistinguished
building in an out-of-the-way neighborhood, this
establishment has a dim front room that attracts
well-
dressed patrons quaffing classic cocktails. ...
Drinks are about $14, but flavors unfold like a
gourmet mini-meal."
Esquire magazine, Feb. 16, 2008: Three local
restaurants make the cut in their "Best Sandwiches
in America" article: Slyman's Corned Beef ("a
softball-sized lump of lean the color of a Great
Lakes sunset, kissed with fat and slow-cooked to
succulence, then nestled between clouds of fresh
bread"), the Polish Boy at Freddie's Rib House
("Soul on white") and the Trailer Park Monte Cristo
at the Beachland Ballroom ("Dip a
peanut-butter-and-jelly sandwich in pancake batter,
dunk it in a deep fryer, and dust it with powdered
sugar. ...The crisp, cakey crust conceals a molten
heart as sweet as Cleveland's own."
Slyman's, 3106 St. Clair Ave., Cleveland,
216-621-3760
"We've never spent a penny on advertising," says
Freddie Slyman, whose family has owned Slyman's for
42 years. But the accolades keep coming. The
restaurant has been praised by everyone from Rachel
Ray to the London Review of Breakfasts.
"It's so flattering to know the name Slyman's is
synonymous with the best in Cleveland," says Slyman,
who credits the eatery's popularity to "quality,
quantity and ambiance. We're a mom-and-pop place
where we work every day to give people the best
possible experience when they visit."
But the biggest praise is the crowds who line up
every lunch- hour for Slyman's towering delectably
moist-but-not-too-fatty corned beef sandwiches.
Slyman's is open from 6 a.m. to 2:30 p.m.
Monday-Friday.
Blender Magazine, February 1, 2008: The Beachland
Ballroom has the best jukebox in the country: "The
vintage 1966 Rock-Ola at Beachland is free, plays a
handpicked mix of vinyl ... It holds 80 records,
which means 160 sides, all lovingly chosen by
Beachland's crate-cruising co-owner Mark Leddy."
Beachland Ballroom and Tavern, 15711 Waterloo Road,
Cleveland. 216-383-1124
Cleveland's Beachland Ballroom is best known for the
music on its stages -- everything from indie and
garage rock to alt-country, blues, folk to punk --
but in the last year it's also gained renown for
some more offbeat reasons. Namely, its amazing retro
jukebox and decadently retro Trailer Park Monte
Cristo sandwich.
What does this mean to club whose main business is
music? "It's a little feather in your cap," says
club owner Mark Leddy. "They are something for
people to look for when they come in, and they may
bring people to the venue for the first time."
Sadly, the days are numbered for the unabashedly
unhealthy-but-oh-so-good Trailer Park Monte Cristo.
The club is redoing their menu and the sandwich
hasn't made the cut.
But the grooviest tunes of the last 50 years are
still spinning. Leddy even has added "new" cuts to
the jukebox, including Columbus singer Bill Moss'
1960s-era "Sock It to them Soul Brother" and Sister
Midnight's "Iggy."
USA Today, Jan. 4, 2008: The Rock Hall is one of "10
great places to know it's more than rock 'n' roll":
"John Lennon's costume, The Supremes' dresses, Grace
Slick's Woodstock outfit, Kurt Cobain's guitar,
along with many other artifacts, can be found in
this stunning building designed by I.M. Pei."
Esquire Magazine, Oct. 15, 2007: Table 45 is one of
the country's "Best New Restaurants": "... it's one
of the most strikingly modern [restaurants] in
America .¤.¤. like a retro-modern first-class
dining room on a Richard Branson space station. Chef
Zachary Bruell has never been more versatile,
drawing on global influences in dishes like his
homespun bowl of Vietnamese noodles ..."
Spin, Nov. 1, 2007: "Cleveland Rock City" is the
focus of a two-
page article: "Forever fighting economic hardships
and rampant cultural stereotyping, Cleveland is a
city where the history runs deep and the fans hold
steady to a serious belief in the sounds." Derek
Hess, the Grog Shop, Now That's Class, the Bears and
Mick Boogie are among the names dropped.
Alternative Press, April 2008: Cleveland's Bears are
one of "100 Bands You Need to Know in 2008": " ...
the band specialize in simple songs full of
starry-eyed harmonies, autumnal acoustic guitars and
twinkling percussions."
Bears, www.bearspop.com
The nation finally is discovering what Cleveland
rock fans have known since Bears joined the scene in
spring 2006. This band is worth watching. They
consistently draw large crowds to area venues for
their harmonious, twee-but-not-cutesy pop.
Singer-guitarist Charlie McArthur says being
featured in Spin was an honor, but it was the AP nod
that sent their itunes sales soaring.
Next up is a CD titled "Simple Machinery" due in
September, and an August tour that includes the New
American Music Union fest in Pittsburgh on Saturday,
Aug. 9.
USA Today, Oct. 5, 2007: Murray Hill is one of "10
great places to discover Italy in America." "Corbo's
Bakery has the best cassata [cake] I have tried in
the USA," says chef and Food Network star Mario
Batali.
Corbo's Bakery, 12210 Mayfield Road, Cleveland,
216-421-8181.
"We have no idea how Mario Batali found out about
us, but we really saw an impact," says Valerie Corbo,
whose family has operated the Little Italy bakery
for four generations. "Our customers were the once
who told us about it. .. but it's not a surprise.
Our cassata cake is what we are known for." Corbo
says the recipe for their lushly sweet
berries-and-cream cake traces back 100 years to the
family's hometown in Sicily.
In addition to cassata -- about half of their
business -- Corbo's serves scrumptious cannoli and
the best Italian lemon ice this reporter has tasted
(including in Italy).
And after decades of customer requests, Corbo's
opened 40-seat a sit-down cafe in April. With
outdoor tables and large picture windows, it's the
perfect spot for a bit of people watching while you
bite into that heavenly cake.
Corbo's is open from 8 a.m. to 10 p.m.
Tuesday-Saturday, and 8 a.m.-8 p.m. Sunday.
O Magazine, Oct. 1, 2007: The "renewed and improved"
Cleveland is "the place to be." Cleveland Orchestra,
Tremont, University Circle and Lola restaurant are
among the picks.
Cottage Living, July 1, 2007: Ohio City is one of
"10 top cottage communities" in the United States:
"This comeback story started locally, fueled by
creative and committed newcomers." The "gracious
street layout and fine 19th-century homes" are
praised.
Playboy, April 18, 2007: Red, the Steakhouse in
Beachwood is one of the ten best in the country:
"... a trendy, completely original operation with
enough craftsmanship and buzz to fill three
restaurants."
Every Day with Rachel Ray, April 1, 2007: The Word
of Mouth column cites nine Cleveland spots to visit,
including the Renaissance Cleveland Hotel, Lava
Lounge and Truffles Pastry.
National Parks Magazine, Jan. 1, 2007: The Cuyahoga
Valley Scenic Railroad is "one of the most scenic
excursion railways in the country."
And even the French like us. Following a recent tour
of Cleveland, French writers praised the city's
location on the Great Lakes, the "Pantheon du Rock
'n' roll" and the Cleveland Museum of Art. Those
great wine lovers even liked Great Lakes beer.
----------------------------------------
Living Cities' Help Is Welcome
Monday, May 26, 2008
A national nonprofit group that has channeled $25
million in loans and grants to help Cleveland's
community development corporations build more than
4,700 homes will soon plow more into revitalizing
this city.
New York-based Living Cities will work with state
and city officials here to encourage everything from
building residents' personal wealth to improving
Cleveland's infrastructure.
Some of the assistance will be financial. Some will
come in the form of technical assistance. Ben Hecht,
president and chief executive officer, says Living
Cities wants to help Clevelanders in developing "a
comprehensive blueprint of what they want to do and
bringing the right people to the table."
It's not clear how much money this will involve or
which programs will receive the resources. But what
is clear - considering the track record Living
Cities has got in Cleveland - is that this is good
news for this city.
© 2008 The Plain Dealer
© 2008 cleveland.com All Rights Reserved.
--------------------------------------
January 2008
Cleveland's Foreclosure Crisis Series
http://www.cleveland.com/foreclosure/
----------------------------------------
Real Estate's Perfect Storm
Posted by Thomas Ott, The Plain Dealer January 20, 2008

When the dark clouds formed, few of us took notice, or if we did, we never imagined the monster storm that was about to hit.
How could we?
You might have seen a nasty tornado or two. But what do most of us know about catastrophic events akin to category 4 hurricanes? Who among us could foresee tsunami-like forces wiping out thousands of our homes and displacing tens of thousands of our neighbors?
Yet that's essentially what happened here over the last decade. A series of manmade forces -- loose credit, Wall Street greed and outright fraud -- collided with our employment woes and chronic poverty to form the economic equivalent of the perfect storm.
We have since learned to call our plight a foreclosure crisis. But comparisons to the aftermath of a hurricane are inescapable.
To read the entire series, and see interactive features, go to: http://www.cleveland.com/foreclosure/
December 2007
Mount Pleasant Neighborhood Focus
The
Cleveland Plain Dealer newspaper and 90.3 FM Radio
presented a series of stories and features focusing
on poverty and change centered around the story of
Cleveland's Mount Pleasant neighborhood.
50 years ago it was a vibrant neighborhood, with
shops and well-kept homes. But today, it is on the
verge of a complete changeover: buildings sit in
disrepair, shops are boarded up, kids become high
school drop outs. What happened? What can happen now
to turn this neighborhood back in the other
direction?
Cleveland Plain Dealer
http://www.cleveland.com/mountpleasant/
WCPN 90.3
http://www.wcpn.org/index.php/WCPN/series/poverty_in_the_city
Cleveland not friendly
to walkers, Brookings study says
Cleveland Plain Dealer, Monday, December 10,
2007
Laura Johnston
Plain Dealer Reporter
To read this article online, go to:
http://www.cleveland.com/plaindealer/stories/index.ssf?/base/news/1197279521307820.xml&coll=2&thispage=1
If you're going somewhere in Cleveland, you're
probably driving a car.
That's because the region has one truly walkable
urban place - University Circle, according to a
study released this week.
With its hospitals and hotel, university and
museums, homes and restaurants, University Circle
fits the stringent criteria set by the Brookings
Institution, which ranked Greater Cleveland 29th out
of the 30 largest U.S. metropolitan areas.
Based on places per-capita, Washington, D.C., took
first, boasting 20 neighborhoods with workplaces,
medical facilities, stores, restaurants,
entertainment, culture, schools and homes. Tampa,
Fla., placed last, with none.
And although Columbus and Cincinnati have just one
walkable urban space each, they beat us by virtue of
smaller populations.
"It's no doubt that the research is depressing,"
said Keith Benjamin, director of community services
in South Euclid. "In the last few decades, our
Greater Cleveland region has not done a great job of
creating a sense of 'place.' "
But the news isn't all bleak.
"Downtown Cleveland is certainly going to make it,"
said the study's author Christopher Leinberger.
"It's certainly on the edge, but it's almost there."
Meanwhile, we have plenty of neighborhoods that may
not meet the study's criteria, but welcome walkers
just the same.
How about downtown? Or Coventry? Or Crocker Park?
Ken Silliman, Cleveland Mayor Frank Jackson's chief
of staff, lists eight neighborhoods he argues should
have made the list, including Ohio City, Tremont,
the Warehouse District and Shaker Square.
But those spots don't pack the regional significance
or critical mass demanded by the study, said
Leinberger, a University of Michigan professor who
has traveled often to Cleveland.
He called them local spots - residential
neighborhoods that serve everyday needs with small
businesses such as drugstores or dry cleaners.
For critical mass, he says, a real estate
development would not require government assistance
to make it financially feasible.
However, Crocker Park, a lifestyle center in
Westlake, and downtown Cleveland nearly meet those
strict standards. As for all those other
neighborhoods - downtown Lakewood or Cedar-Fairmount
or Little Italy - one or two of them could grow to
be regionally significant, Leinberger said. But,
still, the more than 2 million people in Greater
Cleveland should have about eight to 10 walkable
places.
"You certainly have a lot of good bones, good
infrastructure in place," he said. "It's just
critical to continue the focus of making downtown,
midtown work to make University Circle work, to make
Lakewood work."
How did we lose walkability?
Basically, we like our cars.
In the 1950s and '60s, as interstate highways
stretched across the country, folks moved farther
away from urban centers to ranches and colonials in
bucolic, sprawling suburbs.
And then there were zoning codes, which forced the
separation of housing from retail and industrial
uses, said Jim Kastelic, a Cleveland Metroparks
planner.
Also, many factories evaporated.
"It's not that Clevelanders don't like to walk,"
said Coral Co. President Peter Rubin, who is
developing a mixed-use Cedar Center in South Euclid.
"But the way this city grew up over 200 years, it
was in industrial spurts. It developed around
industrial centers that then left the city."
Why should we care?
That fickle group demographers called Generation X
wants to live in walkable urban places, Leinberger
said. Highly educated people, too, flock to spots
where they won't need a car to pick up a gallon of
milk.
"It's an economic development question," he said.
"There are two types of cities: magnets for young
people and others that are losing their young
people."
Silliman, Mayor Jackson's chief of staff, agrees.
Mixing shopping and restaurants with homes and
offices is appealing, which is why developers are
creating mini-downtowns, called lifestyle centers,
in the suburbs, he said.
"We have the means to draw people, draw businesses,
into Cleveland," he said. "It's good for the city
because it's energy-conserving."
So what can we do about it?
In Cleveland, the city is encouraging pedestrian
amenities, streetscape improvements and bike lanes
in all new developments. And then there were zoning
codes, which forced the separation of housing from
retail and industrial uses, said Jim Kastelic, a
Cleveland Metroparks planner.
In the inner-ring suburbs, officials are emphasizing
their compact layout, with sidewalks and
neighborhoods close to commercial districts. South
Euclid is replacing tired strip malls with a
gleaming row of retail and residential, a city park
and a community center, steps from Whole Foods and
the big-box stores of University Square.
In the Metroparks, planners are building links from
neighborhoods to the Towpath and bike and hike
trails.
And throughout the region, developers like Rubin and
Bob Stark want to build gathering places.
Call them "community cores" or lifestyle centers,
but both developers - who are battling over who gets
to build in Solon - are proposing offices, retail,
housing, arts centers, health facilities, college
classrooms, hotels and movie theaters, all in one
spot.
Leinberger applauds any walkable developments in
suburbia, in old downtowns and in new ones.
"Fifty percent of these places are in suburbs,"
Leinberger said. "This is not just a downtown
turn-around story."
To reach this Plain Dealer reporter:
ljohnsto@plaind.com
, 216-999-4115
Cleveland neighborhood revival plan focuses on anchor projects
Plans build on anchor projects in 6 parts of city
Sunday, November 25, 2007
To read this story online, go to: http://www.cleveland.com/plaindealer/stories/index.ssf?/base/iseco/1195997438111340.xml&coll=2&thispage=1
Tom Breckenridge
Plain Dealer Reporter
Architects of revival in six Cleveland neighborhoods are focusing their cash and expertise on the streets around big, new projects.
The strategy, they say, is to build "model blocks" on the streets that border new neighborhood anchors -- housing and commercial projects totaling $915 million.
The projects are under way or planned for a half dozen neighborhoods on the city's East and West sides.
Since 2004, the nonprofit Neighborhood Progress Inc.
has doled out $6.2 million in grants to seasoned
neighborhood-development groups in Detroit-Shore
way, Fairfax, Buckeye-Shaker, South Broadway/Slavic
Village, Glenville and Tremont.
Neighborhood Progress gets its money from local
philanthropies, including the Cleveland, George Gund
and Mandel foundations, and Enterprise Community
Partners.
Working with Neighborhood Progress and the city, the
neighborhood groups are pushing home repair,
improved security, new parks and image-building
along streets -- so-called model blocks -- that
could benefit from proximity to big investments.
Near the Lake Erie bluffs west of downtown, one in
five property owners has opted for home improvements
in the blocks around Battery Park, an upscale, $100
million housing development, says Jeff Ramsey,
director of the Detroit Shoreway Commu nity
Development Organization.
In the heights of Buckeye- Shaker, new stairways,
roofs and landscaping spruce up homes along East
115th Street. The anchor here is the $70 million
development planned for the former St. Luke's
hospital campus.
The goal is to seed sustained community growth in
one of America's poorest big cities. Too many
neighborhoods sag under the scourge of blight and
fast population decline.
City leaders say Neighborhood Progress' work with
the six neighborhood development corporations aligns
with a macro- strategy to rebuild neighborhoods
around regional assets, including downtown, the
lakefront, University Circle and the Cuyahoga River
valley.
And it complements the city's micro-strategy of
establishing model blocks on the streets near
neighborhood assets. Twenty-six neighborhoods have
model blocks so far, said Chris Warren, Mayor Frank
Jackson's chief of regional development.
All told, the Neighborhood Progress money has
allowed the six development corporations to improve
120 properties, through home repairs, painting,
landscaping, major renovation and demolition, said
Bobbi Reichtell, Neighborhood Progress' senior vice
president for programs.
Detroit-Shoreway used $50,000 of Neighborhood
Progress money for the $200,000 purchase and
renovation of a landmark farmhouse at West 74th
Street and Herman Avenue.
John McGovern and his wife, Lisa, recently paid
$155,000 for the house, which sits within walking
distance of Edgewater Park and Detroit Avenue.
The couple had been renting in Ohio City. McGovern
said he's intrigued by the prospects for
neighborhood growth, fueled by Battery Park to the
north and the Gordon Square Arts District to the
south.
"We wanted city living and a walkable neighborhood,"
said McGovern, 35, a clean-transportation consultant
for the Earth Day Coalition.
A drawback is not having a grocery store within
walking distance, he said.
Nearby, longtime resident Mary Elliott is likely to
land a $2,000 rebate from Detroit- Shoreway for at
least $4,000 in painting and home repairs done to
her distinctive Italianate home at West 73rd and
Herman, as well as a rental property next door.
The model block strategy is a "fantastic way to
blend the old and the new," said Elliott, 45, a
Cleveland Municipal Court employee.
Despite concern about car theft in the area, Elliott
is excited by the neighborhood's increased vitality.
The Neighborhood Progress money also allows the six
neighborhood development groups to look beyond real
estate to more holistic community-building.
The Fairfax development group, for example, led the
construction of a new park at East 82nd Street and
Quincy Avenue.
The Famicos Foundation, operating in Glenville,
helped build a new playground at a popular day-care
center on East 105th Street.
In Buckeye-Shaker, the neigh borhood development
group joined nearby community organizations to hire
private security and install surveillance cameras.
Detroit-Shoreway used part of a $20,000 marketing
grant from Neighborhood Progress for a mailer to
3,000 residents, urging them to patronize a dozen
new businesses and restaurants on Detroit during
Black Friday.
Detroit-Shoreway is also tracking the ownership of
150 homes around Battery Park, particularly the 15
or so that are vacant or recently foreclosed, Ramsey
said.
A stable and improving neighborhood helps Battery
Park, which is selling three to four units a month,
he said.
"If homes look run-down, you'll think twice about
investing $300,000," Ramsey said. "It's important to
make the neighborhood around it look attractive."
Overall, it's too early - and the real estate market
too soft - to know if Neighborhood Progress'
neighborhood-recovery strategy is working, said
Terry Schwarz, senior planner for the Cleveland
Urban Design Collaborative.
"There's no such thing as a 'sure thing' in
Cleveland," says Schwarz, whose planning group works
with Neighborhood Progress, Detroit-Shoreway and
Buckeye-Shaker. "But if we get these six strategic
initiatives going, they become a model we can use
elsewhere."
Neighborhood Progress Inc.'s initiative in six
Cleveland neighborhoods is the subject of a panel
discussion from 4 to 6 p.m. Thursday at the Levin
College of Urban Affairs, Cleveland State
University, 1717 Euclid Ave. For more information,
go to urban.csuohio.edu/ forum/sii or call
216-523-7330.
To reach this Plain Dealer reporter:
tbreckenridge@plaind.com
, 216-999-4695
This was sent to me by Joe Wolf, member of Franklin Circle Christian Church. I thought it was simple and yet profound. Pastor Allen
******************************************************************************************************************************
THE PEOPLE UNDER THE BRIDGE
by Suzanne Benner
"For
if the willingness is there, the gift is acceptable according to what
one has, not according to what he does not have" (2 Corinthians 8:12).
"I think there are people living up there, behind the pillars."
"Those people are staying under the bridge because they don't have a
house."
"I want to be friends with those people under the bridge."
"We should help them."
All fall, every day they drove under the highway overpass, the young boy
watched for the people under the bridge and made comments to his mother.
Unwilling to simply ignore his remarks, she asked him, "What do you
think we should do?"
"I would give them a pillow," was his response.

Not a complicated strategy to end homelessness, not an intellectual
discussion on why poverty exists, just the offer of a pillow.
Well, not just a pillow.
When his mother agreed to buy some pillows, the boy thought blankets
would be good too. When his mother suggested second hand blankets from
the thrift store, he responded, "Mom it's Christmas, we should give them
new blankets. I have $75 in the bank, so I'll buy the blankets."
Not
just new blankets, either.
"I think I should give a Bible to my friends under the bridge, because I
have three and nobody needs three Bibles."
And so that is how pillows, blankets, a jar of peanut butter, some bread
and a Bible were put into a garbage bag tied up with a Christmas ribbon
and delivered one night to the people under the bridge. Inside was a
note that read: "God loves you through a nine year old boy."
~O God, give us hearts like that nine year old boy, to truly care for
those in need.
Question: How could you help someone that is in dire straights today
with what you have? Ask yourself this question, "Do I really care about
those in need?" How can we become more sensitive to the needs of others?
About the Author:
http://talk.thelife.com/experience/devotionalforwomen/authors/suzanne-benner/
******************************************************************************************************************************
Bill Moyer's
Journal: American Cities on PBS at
http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/03282008/profile3.html
[I felt that this story and interviews was so important to our
current understanding of how our cities got to be the way they are, that
I am copying the entire transcript here. I highly recommend you
also go to the link above to see all the resources available.
~Pastor Allen]
March 28, 2008
THE KERNER COMMISSION — 40 YEARS LATER
THE JOURNAL looks at an update of the Kerner Commission Report, which
blamed the violence on the devastating poverty and hopelessness endemic
in the inner cities of the 1960s and includes an interview with former
Oklahoma Senator Fred Harris, one of the last living members of the
Kerner Commission.
http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/03282008/transcript1.html
BILL MOYERS: Welcome to the JOURNAL.
You have to go searching deep into their websites, to find out what the
presidential candidates think about urban issues. Their speeches on the
subject have been few and far between, and during all those debates of
the past year, cities were rarely mentioned. Perhaps it's because to
talk about cities, we have to think about the very touchy subject of
race. Or perhaps the culprit is amnesia; we've simply forgotten the past
that produced the urban challenges of today. Here's what I mean:
The official name for it was the National Advisory Commission on Civil
Disorders. But it passed through the press into popular lore as the
Kerner Commission report, and that's how it's remembered today — at
least to those of us old enough to remember. If you think all the talk
about race in this presidential campaign is savage, you should have been
around 40 years ago, in 1968, when this report was published. Talk about
controversy! The Kerner Report was an unflinching portrait of America —
and it was born from the flames of exploding cities.
BILL MOYERS: July 1967, Newark, New Jersey goes up in flames. Reacting
to a rumor that police had beaten and allegedly killed a local man,
residents protested peacefully at first. But then the scene turned
violent.
For six days, state troops and police clashed in the streets with
rioters. Twenty-six people were killed, including a ten year old boy.
Six days later, it happened again in Detroit, Michigan
NEWS REPORTER: Detroit. It looked like the wartime blitz on London, but
this was no war, it was arson, looting, a race riot blowing up into
something beyond control.
BILL MOYERS: Triggered by another police action, and another angry
protest gone haywire, the destruction of downtown Detroit was worse than
Newark's… the nation watched on TV as Detroit was torn apart.
As reports poured in of snipers shooting at police, President Lyndon
Johnson called in the army to put an end to the violence. Thousands of
blacks were rounded up, and a curfew was thrown over the city.
Five days on, forty-three people were dead, hundreds wounded, and block
after block of inner-city Detroit was destroyed. Locals picked through
the ruins, stunned and confused. Detroit's mayor said his city looked
"like Berlin in 1945"
It wasn't just Newark and Detroit that erupted that year. Scores of
other cities seemed under siege.
NEWS REPORTER: In 1967, 126 cities were hit by racial violence, with 75
incidents classified as major riots.
BILL MOYERS: The country was stunned and terrified…what was driving
these events? President Johnson felt compelled to act.
LYNDON JOHNSON: We need to know the answer, I think, to three basic
questions about these riots: What happened, why did it happen, what can
be done to prevent it from happening again and again.
BILL MOYERS: To answer those questions, LBJ appointed what became known
as the Kerner Commission… named for its Chairman, Illinois Governor Otto
Kerner. New York City's Mayor John Lindsay was Vice-Chair.
The youngest member of the panel was a populist senator from Oklahoma
named Fred Harris. Just in his 30s at the time, and coming from a mostly
white state, Harris nonetheless went to the floor of the Senate and
called on the president to fully and publicly reckon with these awful
events.
SENATOR FRED HARRIS: It's gonna take a national commitment, a massive
kind of national commitment and anything less than that will not cure
the ills that we have, and poverty generally, and the problems of race
and the problems of our cities.
BILL MOYERS: The President listened. He was furious about these riots.
Believing that militant groups such as the black panthers must've
somehow been behind the violence.
But when the Kerner Commission's work was done, its findings would shake
Lyndon Johnson, and the country. The Kerner Report became a moment of
clarity for America. A time when the nation was forced to focus on the
harsh realities of racism, poverty and injustice in our cities.
BILL MOYERS: On the 40th anniversary of this historic Kerner Commission
Report, I asked that formerly-young Populist Senator Fred Harris to talk
about his experience. He's one of the last of the surviving members of
the original Commission.
BILL MOYERS: What was the urgency? I mean here you were just recently
elected to the senate from Oklahoma, a basically white state, little
town of Walters. What were you thinking? Is this the end of the country?
Is this-- what is it?
FRED HARRIS: We just didn't know how-- how far this was gonna go.
Johnson-- the President, later I went down to talk to him while we were
working on the commission. And he said to me, "Have you seen the FBI
reports about these riots?" Johnson was like a lot of people who thought
maybe there's some conspiracy behind them. And I said conditions are
such and the hostilities are such in these central cities that almost
any random spark could've set them off
BILL MOYERS: You and all the commission actually went to the streets
where the riots were--
FRED HARRIS: That's right. We--
BILL MOYERS: What did you see? What all these years later, what are the
particulars you remember most formidably?
FRED HARRIS: We divided up into teams. And my team was John Lindsay and
me. John was then the Mayor of New York. You couldn't have had two more
different people me from a little ole town in Oklahoma and John Lindsay.
BILL MOYERS: For one thing, he was tall, and you were short.
FRED HARRIS: That's right. And I remember one-- we went for example, we
went to-- Milwaukee. And I spent a good portion of that day in a black
barbershop. We found Milwaukee as segregated really, maybe more so, then
southern cities. I kept saying to people-- "Do you run into much
discrimination here in Milwaukee?" And people didn't know quite how to
answer it. It turned out the reason was, that they didn't see any white
people. That's how segregated Milwaukee was.
And we found there people, of course, and this was true all over. Black
people had come up there looking for jobs.
BILL MOYERS: From the South.
FRED HARRIS: And the trouble was they found very little opportunity.
FRED HARRIS: Jobs is what we heard everywhere. John Lindsey and I were
walking down the streets in Cleveland, I believe it was, for example.
And we'd see idle young black men on the streets, you know. And these
guys get up, and they said, "What we need is jobs baby. Jobs. Get us a
job, baby." I remember that so-- and that's what we heard all over.
BILL MOYERS: It was the promise of those jobs that had lured so many
African-Americans up from the south in the first place. From World War
II on, millions of blacks migrated north. Packing into the booming
industrial cities of Chicago and Newark, Milwaukee and Detroit. There
they earned wages that were the first steps out of poverty for an entire
generation.
But twenty years on, even as this great migration kept bringing more and
more people into the cities, many of those jobs began dwindling. Huge
plants closed down. Moved out to the suburbs and beyond. Many white
residents followed suit, leaving the central cities in droves.
By the mid-1960s, many of the biggest inner-cities in America had become
chronically segregated. And were drying up economically.
FRED HARRIS: There was low family income, high unemployment. Almost
criminally inferior schools. No jobs. The jobs had moved out to the
suburbs. There was poor transportation. People couldn't get, you had to
take two or three buses to get to some of those jobs. And there were
jobs, the new jobs that were created, were either requiring a very high
level of skills or education, or were just service jobs that were very
low pay kind of flipping hamburgers kind of jobs. The people that black
people saw as sort of representing society were police officers. And
they were nearly all white. And most of them lived outside the central
city. And came in during the day to enforce the law. So there was a
great deal of hostility.
BILL MOYERS: I had a remarkable woman on this broadcast a few months
ago, Grace Lee Boggs. She's 91 years old, still lives in, Detroit. She
said, "Bill, this was not a riot. This was a rebellion. This rebellion
against what you just described as the phalanx of white faces that
surrounded the ghetto and kept it segregated." She said it was a
rebellion against the loss of jobs. Do you think there's something to
that?
FRED HARRIS: Well there is, in a way. Although you've gotta be careful
to say, you know, it wasn't some organized thing. That is it wasn't a
rebellion in the sense that somebody decided to organize it, with a
definite ends in mind, goals. It was more spontaneous than that. But
what we finally decided on the commission was we couldn't say what
caused the violence. Or why the violence would occur, for example, in
Watts in '65, but not in '67. What we could do was to describe with
particularity, the terrible conditions that existed in these places,
where riots had occurred.
We found as I said, no conspiracy. There were one or two on our
commission said, "Well, should we actually say that?" Well, isn't that
the truth?
BILL MOYERS: There was no conspiracy?
FRED HARRIS: There was no conspiracy. No organization to this. And they
were, "Well, yeah. Well, let's just tell the truth."
OTTO KERNER: (Illinois Governor, Chairman of Kerner Commission) There is
no indication, no fact, to indicate that any of them we're planned. The
elements were there. And some fuse, an unpredictable fuse, set them off,
but at this point there is still no evidence for any planning for the
civil disorders within the cities.
BILL MOYERS: In March of 1968, the Report was published. It was brutal
in its honesty:
While saying that a growing black militancy may have added fuel to the
riots, the commission rejected the idea that there'd been any
organization behind the outbreaks.
Instead, the Commission blamed the violence on the devastating poverty
and hopelessness endemic in the inner cities of the 1960s.
Among their many findings:
One in five African-Americans lived in "squalor and deprivation in
ghetto neighborhoods."
The unemployment rate was double for African-Americans, as compared to
whites.
The report described communities that were neglected by their
government, wracked with crime, and traumatized by police brutality.
Disproportionate rates of infant mortality were astonishing -
African-American children dying at triple the rate of white children.
The statistics weren't new. But the Kerner Commission pushed further,
and laid the blame for many of these conditions on white racism: quote
"what white Americans have never fully understood -- but what the Negro
can never forget -- is that the white society is deeply implicated in
the ghetto. White institutions created it. White institutions maintain
it, and white society condones it."
The report's conclusion — and it's most memorable message — was this:
"our nation is moving towards two societies - one white, one black -
separate and unequal."
FRED HARRIS: We used the word racism. And on the commission, we had two
or three people say, "Should we use that word, racism?"
BILL MOYERS: Not a word that was thrown around largely by-- government
panels in the 1960s.
FRED HARRIS: We felt that was very important. I did and I think it was
to say it. Because what we know is that oppressed people often come to
believe about themselves the same bad stereotypes that the dominant
society has. Our saying racism-- I think was very important to a lot of
black people who said, "Well, maybe it's not just me. Maybe I'm not-- by
myself at fault here. Maybe there's something else going on."
BILL MOYERS: I remember that the headlines based on the premature leak
of a summary of the report would read-"A Commission Blames Riots on
Whites."
FRED HARRIS: That's right.
BILL MOYERS: White racism. And that inflamed-- whites who didn't want to
be blamed.
FRED HARRIS: No, that's right. But we felt-- now I think if we had time
to background it so that people would have understood it a little
better. What we telling about-- with racism was not-- one white person
hating one black-- or all black people. We're talking about kind of an
institutional racism which existed. And where people live in all white
neighborhoods. Send their kids to all white schools. Drive quickly
through black section maybe, or on the train, to a job where all their
associates are white. And don't see anything odd about it. That was
what-
BILL MOYERS: The natural order of things.
FRED HARRIS: That's right. That's what we were talking about.
BILL MOYERS: For civil rights leaders like the Reverend Martin Luther
King, Jr. the Kerner Report confirmed reality
MARTIN LUTHER KING: And now we see the surfacing of old prejudices and
hostilities that have always been there and they're out in the open —
that's very good they're out in the open because you can deal with them
much better when they are there to see and when people admit them. My
analysis was no more pessimistic or gloomy than the Kerner Commission's
report the other day. I do feel that we've got to say in no uncertain
terms that racism is alive and on the throne in American society and
that we are moving towards two societies... separate and unequal and if
something isn't done to stop this in a very determined manner, things
can really get worse.
BILL MOYERS: The Kerner Commissioners suggested a series of solutions to
tackle the problems they'd diagnosed. Everything from better early
childhood education to a crackdown on police brutality. They pushed for
massive job creation, more affirmative action, and an expansion of the
social safety net.
But critics saw the Commission as wrongheaded. They blasted Kerner for
blaming everyone in society except for the rioters themselves.
Commission members had hoped to spend six more months explaining their
report to the public and lobbying for their recommendations, but in the
face of all the criticism, LBJ shelved that idea.
BILL MOYERS: Looking back all this time, what did the Kerner Commission
get right?
FRED HARRIS: I think well virtually everything was right. And I could
add onto that this. I think one of the awfulest thing's that came out of
the Reagan presidency and later was the feeling that government can't do
anything right. And that-- everything it does is wrong. The truth is
that virtually everything we tried worked. We just quit trying it. Or we
didn't try it hard enough. And that's what we need to get back
to. We made progress on virtually every aspect of race and poverty-- for
about a decade after the Kerner Commission Report. And then,
particularly with the advent of the Reagan Administration, and so forth,
that progress stopped. And we began to go backwards. There are
consequences from our acts, and when we-- cut out a lot of these--
social programs, or the money for them, or cut it down-- we don't
emphasize jobs and training, and education, and so forth as we had been
doing, there are bad consequences from that.
BILL MOYERS: The Reagan conservatives were quite critical of the Kerner
Commission as being unbalanced and simplistic. They say, for example,
that you failed to take into consideration that the close correlation
between being born out of wedlock, and growing up without a father, and
being poor, that your work over the years actually exempts the poor from
being responsible for their own condition.
FRED HARRIS: Well, you know, the breakdown in families is just like sort
of crime and narcotics and so forth. These are the consequences. They're
the handmaidens in the sense of-poverty
FRED HARRIS: I said at the time, there are a lot of people who want to--
punish people for being poor. You know, say, "It's your own fault." We
want to punish people for being poor. I said, "I I used to poor myself.
And being poor is punishment enough." I think what you need to do is to
help people-- up, give 'em a hand up. And recognize the kind of terrible
conditions that they're grown up in.
BILL MOYERS: For the last thirty years, Fred Harris has been teaching
politics at the University of New Mexico.
FRED HARRIS: Power was diffused and one way it was diffused was to break
all these committees down into subcommittees…
BILL MOYERS: But he never lost his commitment to the cause of the Kerner
Commission. When he's not in the classroom, he's part of major, ongoing
investigation into the issues of race and poverty today.
Harris sits on the board of the Eisenhower Foundation based in
Washington D.C. the Foundation was created to continue the Kerner
Commission. Its work is to research and support successful programs in
the inner cities.
Every few years, Eisenhower publishes an updated set of findings: a
report card of how the country is dealing with the key issues raised by
Kerner.
Alan Curtis is President of the Eisenhower Foundation.
ALAN CURTIS: The Kerner Commission said, "Look. These problems can be
solved. Let's not give up hope. And so, we try to be keepers of the
flame of that message. That there is hope. There are solutions. And we
remind America every so often, that we still have a long ways to go in
fulfilling the prophesies of those commissions and their
recommendations.
BILL MOYERS: Alan Curtis and Fred Harris have been holding hearings in
Washington, Detroit and Newark to prepare a report on the 40th
anniversary of Kerner.
ALAN CURTIS: We want to listen. We're taking testimony. We would
encourage you to discuss today not only the solutions, but how to change
political will in America so that we can embrace the priorities of the
Kerner Commission and we can begin to fulfill America's promise.
BILL MOYERS: In those cities, they heard a striking set of voices
KOMOZI WOODARD: We've gone from an urban crisis in the '60s to an urban
catastrophe in the 21st Century. That's what you're looking at when you
look at Katrina. That's what you're looking at when you look at
gentrification. We are in an urban catastrophe community, we need to be
blunt about it because if we use the wrong words, it doesn't wake people
up, It puts them to sleep. This is not an ordinary situation and it is a
national situation. It is not a Newark situation.
JUNIUS WILLIAMS: Big northeastern cities are home to some of the most
concentrated poverty in the country, and that's your new split. That's
your new division.
RONALD ANGLIN: We're seeing lives of quiet desperation that we have
cordoned off communities in which we allow crime to exist. We allow lots
of bad things to exist, and as long as they don't spill over, that's
okay.
RICHARD CAMMARERI: I would take issue with one of the premises of the
most famous quote in this that we're moving towards two societies. I
would respectfully suggest that we never were one society in this
country. This country has simply never confronted the issue of race. .
Race is, I guess to use a religious term, the original sin of this
country.
HEASTER WHEELER: I believe 40 years later, today the conditions here in
Southeast Michigan are just as ripe for protest, and demonstration, and
possibly all those other negative things as they were 40 years later.
You need not look too far to see Jena, Louisiana and all of the other
challenges.
MAUREEN TAYLOR: On my way here, there are people on corners, standing up
with signs, say, "Will work for food." But we're in here, talking about
what's the problem?
JOSEPHINE HUYGHE: You want to know what's going on? It's somebody say,
"It's the same old, same old." With the continuation of white flight
that started in the '50s has been compounded by the exodus of the middle
and upper class blacks as Detroit experienced a 'brain drain'.
DR. HERBERT SMITHERMAN: In 1970, the infant mortality rate, that is our
babies dying before age of one, was about 65 percent higher in the black
community than in the white community. Currently, it's 205 percent
higher in the black community than in the white community.
GEORGE GALSTER: The City of Detroit constitutes 85 percent black
residents, only nine percent white residents. The poverty rate -- white,
it's only 5.9 percent, blacks: 24 percent. The median family income --
for whites, over $65,000, for blacks, only $37,000. We could go on and
on, but, it's very clear that there are these measurable distinctions
between blacks and whites in metro Detroit.
REV. KEVIN TURMAN: The young people of my congregation and my community
are as industrious as you will find anywhere. They are as innovative and
as intelligent as any that you will find anywhere. But unfortunately,
they have a number of challenges that have been un-addressed, because
the recommendations of the Kerner Commission were ignored or dismissed.
ROY LEVY WILLIAMS: The one industry which has flourished is the prison
industry. And, yes, it has become an industry. During the last 15 years,
this state has been averaging one brand new prison a year
GLENDA MCGADNEY: We have got to get serious about what's going on and
what our government is allowing to happen to us, and how we're losing
our rights every single day. And all this money that's being spent for
the war, we need to pray about that. Because it should not be going to
Iraq. It should be right here in our cities, in our neighborhood.
DR. HERBERT SMITHERMAN: When we had 9/11, we were arguing about Social
Security reform. Where are we gonna find the money for it? And within 48
hours after 9/11, we found $40 billion for New York City, a billion
dollars an hour. When we want to do something as a country, we do it.
This is not about can we do. This is about a will. This is about do we
want to do. When you start saying I'm gonna have cuts in Medicare and
Medicaid, cuts to housing in urban development, no subsidies to mass
transit, eliminate funding for job training, cut school lunch programs
for inner city children, eliminate school loan programs for minority
students, repeal after-school programs. What I'm saying is this is about
public policy. This is about resource implementation.
KARL GREGORY: The 1968 Kerner Commission conclusion that racism is
deeply embedded in the American society is still true. Racism is still
as American as apple pie in this area. The existing huge disparities by
race could not exist without racism.
BILL MOYERS: The Eisenhower Foundation has now issued their preliminary
report and it echoed the testimony they heard across the country:
While noting that certain things have improved - such as the dramatic
growth of the black middle class - the foundation nonetheless concludes
that "America has, for the most part, failed to meet the Kerner
Commission's goals of less poverty, inequality, racial injustice and
crime."
Among the troubling facts:
Thirty seven million Americans live in poverty today. But
African-Americans are three times as likely to be at the very bottom of
the scale, living in what's known as 'deep poverty'
Median non-white families have just one-fifth the wealth of white
families
And…over the last 20 years, three times as many African-American men go
to prison as go to college
ALAN CURTIS: Many people today-- Americans have short memories, of
course-- don't realize, for example, that the sentence for a minority
person is longer than a sentence for a white person going to prison.
Minorities are more likely to get the death sentence than white. The
sentences for crack cocaine, used disproportionately by minorities, are
longer than the sentences for powdered cocaine, used disproportionately
by whites. And so, there is still this endemic, institutional racism in
America that people forget about. And I think they need to be reminded
about that.
BILL MOYERS: The Eisenhower Foundation's full report will be released
later this year.
BILL MOYERS: Fred, you've been teaching democracy down there at the
University of New Mexico for 30 years. Your textbook on democracy is
used in universities all over the country. Why can't democracy deal with
these persistent, chronic realities that the Kerner Commission described
and you here 40 years later are restating?
FRED HARRIS: Well I think first of all-- people don't really realize
that conditions are so bad for so many people in poverty and-- and for
African-Americans, and for Hispanics. I think a lot of people say, well,
didn't we do all that? And I think if people knew these conditions and
that's what we ought to do on the 40th anniversary of the Kerner Report
is to get people to see that these problems of race and poverty are
still with us. Also, I think we need to approach this on a basis of that
we're all in this together. Somebody said we may not have all come over
on the same boat but we're all in the same boat now.
And here's the interesting thing. Every poll that's taken shows that
two-thirds of Americans think America's on the wrong footing. They're
headed in the wrong direction. And there's overwhelming support for
example this: do you think we ought to spend more on-- in prevention--
by putting money in education and training and jobs, instead of police
and prisons.
Overwhelmingly people say, yes. Do you think that
we ought to have a social net-- so-- just to catch people falling out
and to give them another chance? Oh, yes, they strongly believe in that.
What about healthcare? We got 46 million people without health
insurance. And yet overwhelmingly Americans say, yes, I think we ought
to have-- healthcare even if-- everybody-- universal healthcare even if
it costs us more money. So the public is way ahead of the politicians I
think.
And I just think that, as I said, it's in our own interests, and
everybody's interests to try to do something about it. We can do it.
National Cityscapes
Conference traverses urban environments through humanities' lens
http://blog.case.edu/case-news/2008/03/26/cityscapes
[Web Note: Pastor Allen attended part of this conference.]
The
three-day National Cityscape Conference, sponsored by Case Western
Reserve University and the Cleveland Institute of Art, will examine our
urban environment, past and present, through the lens of the humanities,
asking what contributions the arts, culture, and society have made to
the formation of cities.
The free, public conference, March 27-29, launches with an exhibition by
conceptual artist Carl Pope, who has turned a public conversation about
Clevelanders' dreams and anxieties for their city into a poster
installation called The Mind of Cleveland that will extend out into the
city through billboards and kiosk posters. Viewing begins on Thursday,
March 27, at the Cleveland Institute of Art, 11141 East Blvd., with a
preview at 4 p.m., followed by a keynote talk at 5 p.m. by New York
University visual culture professor Nicholas Mirzoeff on "Days of Race:
Democracy and Black Reconstruction in the Work of Carl Pope." The
preview and talk are followed by the official opening and reception at 6
p.m. in CIA's Reinberger Galleries.
The Cityscape conference continues on Friday, March 28, at CIA with
sessions from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m., devoted to "Creating and Performing
Community," "Contested Space and Social Divisions" and "Organizing the
City."
The Saturday sessions on March 29, from 9 a.m. to 4:30 p.m., move to
Case Western Reserve University's Mandel Center for Nonprofit
Organizations Building, 11402 Bellflower Rd. Sessions will address
"Knowing, Remembering and Imagining the City," "Representation and Urban
Spaces" and "Marketing the City."
A reception and talk by public artist Lee Quinones closes the conference
at 4:30 p.m. with an overview of "The Lincoln-West High School Mural
Project," about the experience of working with local high school
students on the art project.
The Cityscape conference dovetails with Case Western Reserve's 2008
Humanities Week celebration, March 24-29, dedicated to the theme of
Cityscape. Highlights of the week include a film series at Cinematheque
and lectures by visiting scholar Alison Isenberg from Rutgers
University. The featured keynote speaker for Humanities Week is Norman
Krumholtz, winner of the 2007 Cleveland Arts Prize for his lifetime work
in urban planning. His talk, also free and open to the public, takes
place at 4:30 p.m. in Amasa Stone Chapel, 10940 Euclid Ave.
Funding to the Baker-Nord Center for the Humanities for Humanities Week
comes from a major grant from the Presidential Initiative Fund for the
Humanities through the generosity of the Cleveland Foundation and a
grant from the Ohio Humanities Council. Additional support for these
various activities is from Clear Channel, Cuyahoga County Public
Library, Cleveland Councilman Joe Cimpeman (Ward 13) and Progressive
Arts Alliance.
Although the event is free and open to the public, registration is
required by visiting http://bakernord.org, where a full list of events
and speakers is also available for the conference and Humanities Week
2008.
For more information contact Susan Griffith, 216.368.1004.
The Mind Of Cleveland Art Exhibition
The Baker-Nord Center for the Humanities at Case Western Reserve
University and the Cleveland Institute of Art (CIA) jointly commissioned
conceptual artist Carl Pope to create a public art work project “The
Mind of Cleveland.” This exhibit will premier in conjunction with the
National Cityscapes Conference from March 27-30, 2008. The conference
explores the intersections between the urban environment, humanities and
the community.
“The Mind of Cleveland” is a public conversation in billboard/poster
form, a conceptual town meeting where everyone has the opportunity to be
heard publicly. The project employs modes of communication common in
urban spaces, such as billboards, letterpress posters and the Internet.
With the use of public signage, the thoughts, feelings and wishes of
Cleveland residents are displayed.
Responses to the question, “What do you think about Cleveland?” will be
collected by this website and displayed on billboards and letterpress
posters. Ideas circulating in the public sphere can represent the
unspoken thoughts of thousands of people. And those collective thoughts
have the potential to inspire dialogue and communal action.
In addition to the billboard campaign, there will be a gallery
exhibition featuring letterpress posters containing quotes from the
Cleveland community. Copies of the posters will be given away to the
general public upon request. To learn more about the billboard campaign
and gallery exhibition, click here.http://www.themindofcleveland.com/billboards_exhibition.html
Pope believes we are living in a time in which individuals and small
groups can exert tremendous influence on the world. His artistic
practice is rooted in a belief that outer change is born within the
imagination, inspiring the individual to become a catalyst to effect
transformation in the world. The goal of “The Mind of Cleveland” is to
inspire civic pride and cooperation during this critical point in the
city’s history. Now seems to be the perfect time to pose these
questions.





